For some time it has been fashionable to celebrate the culture of our evolutionary ancestors the primates, since in two species, simplified: they present two possible human[i] pasts , and since, in this dichotomy, stylized, they also present two possible human futures , that is, between a violent Hobbesian chimpanzee dystopia, and a cooperative Huxleyan Bonobo 'Bonobotopia'. The latter is, in the words of NY Times magazine writer Jack Hitt, the human race's 'orgiastic future'.
The Bonobotopia in particular has received much emphasis of late, in part for its characterization as a 'Hippie', 'Free Love' communal matriarchy , and in part, for the apparently widespread same sex Bonobo polyamory, both serving as, evidently, a kind of natural justification for contemporary mores in Feminist and Gay ideologies (FLGBT)  . While the celebration of the types of Bonobo, Aristotelean, love, if not romantic Eros, then playful Ludus, may be inspirational to some,  and a kind of evidence that can argue for legitimacy of a human practice from its observation in monkeys in the swamps of the Congo; the omission of certain Bonobo romantic facts, disambiguates primate Love from its social Pragma, and its severe, if fluid, social hierarchy. Thus, the scientists suggest female polyamory was an evolved solution to male infanticide, the blurring of paternity eliminating that practice, but also consequently removing completely all male contributions to child rearing, and initiating female competitive aggression towards others' infants, including infanticide, even maternal cannibalism   . Primate individual sexuality, including human, then has a group context, and may be distinctive of something less than true affection.
Thereby, the Huxleyan may occasionally have Hobbesian results. So, in this case, Bonobo mothers are single mothers, that raise their offspring within violent, status conscious, female matriarchies. Males often gain status as 'Momma's Boys' under maternal protection , with low status males who act out, subject to female gang violence, including the severing off of fingers, or male genital mutilation (MGM).  As the scientists celebrate, In the Congo, the gay, playful love of Ludus, is tension reducing', but often tinged by Pragma, a kind of offering of favors to higher status females or males, to gain 'affiliative' protection, to forestall potentially fatal or disfiguring violence, sometimes from female competitors towards infants, after an 'agonistic interaction.' A subordinate male, like the domesticated dog, may display and allow mounting from a potentially violent superior, while a low status female will turn out for the Bull silverback, all the while advertising her status coupling in public vocalizations.
Within Settler Colonial Studies , the biopower, biological power, of colonial settlement examines empire through the skin deep, superficial , and artificial categories of race and gender, as if the white 'Masterless Men' of early colonial America welcomed the wage pressure of imported scab (even if involuntary) labor, or as if the farm workers of Cesar Chavez welcomed the importation of illegal workers to replace them, much like a parasite detaches from a Host, once it has found another more fertile substitute.
Is Mass Immigration a form of Empire's Colonial Settlement biopower program to replace its working class , American Descendants of Slaves, ADOS, with cheaper, imported scab substitute? Is the 'White' working class, reaaly of the same ethnic group as the WASP elite , or more generally, of the multicultural meritocracy? Is meritocracy itself a moated Castle of an intermediary parasitic elite within the biological literature of Social Parasitism?
Is the Media-Academic-Cultural apparatus of the Elite, in promoting Racial Identity Politics, and F-LGBT ideologies, engaging in Parasitic Deceit, Phenotypic Manipulation of the African and European American working class Hosts, in a program of amalgamation, elimination, ethnic cleansing, and/or cultural, even soft physical genocide?
Gendered Embodied Elimination: Re‐Scaling Amalgamation [Why does this Analysis not apply to indigeneous working class Americans under Mass Settlement / ]
...A gendered account of settler colonialism requires an expanded sense of the processes through which elimination occurs and comes to be expressed through embodiment. The majority of Epera women agree that disappearance and ethnic survival are the paramount challenges that they currently face. However, discrepancies among women exist as to which causes of death are significant. Some Epera women attribute the decline in numbers of Epera (ethnic elimination) solely to cultural assimilation (cultural amalgamation on settler colonial theory's terms), whereas other women consider territorial replacement in theoretical terms and state abandonment as constitutive and complementary causes. Within this account, there is a particular agency of the Epera women that I explore elsewhere (Zaragocin forthcoming a), where Epera women's role in challenging traditional ethnic laws co‐exists with upholding contentious corporal experiences and regulations. Epera women embody a very specific sense of empowerment in fending off place‐based elimination that has resulted in female leadership roles, a feminist geopolitics of the uterus (Zaragocin forthcoming a) as well as in changing Epera gender relations, resulting in the abolition of particular forms of gender‐based violence.
For some women, bodies and biological reproduction are integral dynamics connected to the risks of Epera disappearance. Rather than solely attributing attrition in Epera numbers and culture to the threats associated with violence, environmental destruction and encroachment on territory (as documented in the above sections), there is also what they describe as the dilution of ethnic purity. The Epera have a rigid conception of ethno‐racial relations in which “cultural‐purity” is valued and mestizaje is considered to contribute to their physical and cultural disappearance. As such, the Epera have regulations on sexuality and marriage in which sanctions are enforced on members who partake in partnerships outside of the Epera ethnicity. According to these women's accounts, Epera continuance is threatened by the presence of people with “no identity” who diverge from endogamous partnerships, referring to what the Epera leaders and communal statutes define as the offspring between a culturally pure Epera and a non‐culturally pure Epera (Carrasco 2010). According to these codes, culturally pure Epera are defined as the offspring of a male and female Epera, whose ancestral ties to territory and ethnic identity can be traced back to the Saija River in Colombia. For Epera born in Colombia and now based in Ecuador, the imaginative geography of origin and ancestral aquatic space is powerful in ordering the logic of everyday social interactions and interpretations of risk. Rio Saija, a sacred river for Epera, located in the Cauca region of Colombia, is considered to be the origin place of Epera culture and identity, and as such, the Colombian Epera territory is perceived as more authentic than Ecuadorian populations. By this logic, the Colombia‐centred imaginative geography influences the interpretation of daily life in Santa Rosa, including the conceptualisations and explanations offered for embodied death on the Ecuador side of the border....
Gendered Geographies of Elimination: Decolonial Feminist Geographies in Latin American Settler Contexts